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Grounding Myself

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Apologies for not blogging for such a long period of time.  As I’ve mentioned before, I finished the rough draft of my first novel this past May, and after “letting it rest” for three months — basically letting myself forget about it completely so I could come back to it with fresh eyes and really see what did and didn’t work in it (the story is great but my language is too bare) — I began editing the rough draft a couple of weeks ago.  Needless to say, I’m still working on this first edit, and I will be editing it for a very, very long time in all likelihood.  I learned from the rough draft that what they say about how writing the rough draft of a novel is like giving birth to a baby is all too true.  What they don’t tell you, though, is that editing the rough draft is like trying to stuff the baby back in feet-first.  Given that it’s taken at least a dozen edits to get any of my short stories to the point where I was comfortable sending them out to potential publishers, I wouldn’t be surprised if I’m still doing serious revision work on the novel this time next year.

In addition to not posting here as often as I should be, I can’t help but notice that I’ve let too many other aspects of my life wither as I’ve been throwing all my energies into my writing.  I haven’t had a single social outing since May, I’m not getting the exercise I need, and I find myself wanting to cut out more and more things from my life when I really should be working on getting out more often and doing different things.  More and more I find myself mimicking my father’s workaholism, and given his inactivity, spending most of his waking hours in front of a computer screen, was a key factor in his early death, I need to make sure I don’t meet the same fate.  At the same time, though, I’m on a roll with this first novel and the screenplay I wrote from it, as well as other writing projects I have right now (I’m over 42,000 words into my second novel now), and I need to make use of the momentum I have for my writing.

Thankfully I have a big teaching load this autumn, so that’s going to get me out of the house a fair bit.  There’s a big social opportunity for me later this month as we;;, and assuming I go (I may need to skip it due to other considerations), I’m hoping I can talk to friends there about helping make sure I get out and about more often.  I’m going to try to cut down on how much I follow politics — honestly, it’s just getting too depressing lately — and although I’m not going to follow them as religiously as I used to, I’ll try to catch some Red Wings game this upcoming season.  I also need to get back into exercise, which is perhaps the most infuriating thing for me because I spent so much money on all these exergames and I just don’t use them as often as I should.

I hope this shift in my living patterns will also mean more regular blogging, although my posts are probably going to move away from the political essays I’ve been writing this past summer, and more towards personal musings and anecdotes.  All things being equal, though, when I’m in front of this computer I can’t help but want to be working on other writing projects.  As much as I love the .org, it doesn’t have the potential to help me pay my bills that these other projects do.  With any luck, soon I’ll be able to announce one of these projects coming to fruition and finding a buyer somewhere, but that won’t happen unless I take the time to make them letter-perfect.  I just need to make sure I take the time to do some living in between my working sessions, get away from this computer and recharge my batteries.  Any help any of you can provide with this, whether you live in Toledo or Timbuktu, would be appreciated.

That Man is an Enabler

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Recently one of my friends sent a tweet out, asking what we, her Twitter followers, thought was the greatest television commercial of all time.  As someone who was lucky enough to live through the middle and late 1990s, that last period of popular culture that had so much going for it, my immediate response was the landmark Orlando Jones “Make 7-Up Yours” spots, commercials that endure to this day.  Now that I’ve thought longer about it, though, I think there is one commercial that stands out in my mind now, one of the very earliest “This is SportsCenter” commercials where Alexi Lalas’ attempts to serenade an ESPN anchor with an acoustic guitar and vocal rendition of “Michael Row Your Boat Ashore” to help soothe him and ruined by another anchor grabbing the guitar from Lalas’ hands, smashing it to pieces, and hanfing it back to him before storming off angrily.  The contrast between the singing and the guitar smashing, the jump cuts during the smashing that only increased the feeling of violence, and the absurdity and novelty of the “This is SportsCenter” campaign was still fresh.

The anchor who smashed Lalas’ anchor was, of course, Keith Olbermann, near the end of his ESPN tenure where he and Dan Patrick did nothing short of revolutionize the sports recap show, if not sports journalism itself.  Although their pioneering work has led to sports news shows being nothing but second-rate Olbermanns and Patricks trying to recreate their formula, it’s still a vast improvement over how boring and staid sports journalism had been beforehand.  Even though I have next to no interest in football at this point, except in seeing how many square miles of Cincinnati get obliterated when Chad Ochocinco and Terrell Owens’ egos eventually collide, I still make a point of catching Olbermann and Patrick’s game recaps on NBC’s Football Night in America, and part of their genius is that their humour is so wide-ranging and universal that, even if you don’t follow football at all, you can still follow along, laugh a lot, and learn everything you need to know about that week’s games and the NFL as a whole.

I’ve been a fan of Olbermann’s since his ESPN days and have written about him frequently in various forums.  When the Robert Gibbs “Professional Left” story picked up speed yesterday afternoon, Olbermann tweeted that he was preparing one of his signature “special comments” on the Gibbs controversy.  I was in the middle of tweeting a reply to Olbermann, to the effect of, “Will this special comment be full of Bush-era ‘how dare you’ Olber-rage, or Obama-era ‘I’m sorry for being critical Democrats, please don’t stop letting me interview your congresspeople’ simpering?”  Before I could pare that down to a hundred and forty characters, though, Olbermann tweeted that “There will be neither fire nor brimstone in tonight’s Special Comment, because I do not disagree with Mr Gibbs’ right to criticize.”  I deleted my reply before I sent it, and set out to write my own response to Gibbs’ comments since I knew Olbermann’s would not be adequate.

Sure enough, last night on Countdown, Olbermann did list all the ways in which this administration has not lived up to its promises of “change” and “hope,” but when it came time for his own commentary, instead of excoriating Gibbs for going after the people who so rightly feel betrayed by the broken promises and general ineffectiveness of this administration, he gave Gibbs, and the administration he speaks for, the figurative slap on the wrist.  With the exception of Geraldine Ferraro and her ludicrous race-based statements about Candidate Obama during the 2008 primary season, Olbermann has never gone after Democrats with the same vigor and bluster he has used against Republicans and conservatives.  Certainly some of the things people like Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld said during the Bush presidency were far worse than Gibbs’ comments, but although the words may have been worse, they both served the same purpose, to scare people further towards the right-wing of American politics.

Just before his special comment last night, Olbermann interviewed Michael Moore about Gibbs’ comments, and near the end of the interview Moore claimed that the controversy over Gibbs’ remarks wouldn’t matter because the left would vote for Democrats come November anyway.  That assertion is not only absurd, but it is provably false, as poll after poll has shown that those who identify as liberals are not planning to vote in the midterm elections in the same numbers as their conservative counterparts.  It is the “enthusiasm gap” that Olbermann and other talking heads have talked about so much, and the main reason for it is precisely because this administration has let down liberals by backing down on so many things.  Even in a best-case scenario for Democrats where they maintain majorities in the House and Senate, those majorities are all but guaranteed to be reduced.  Freshly strengthened from November’s results, you can bet that congressional Republicans will filibuster even more, use every parliamentary trick at their disposal to frustrate even the watered-down agenda this administration manages to get to the floors of the House and Senate.  If you thought these past eighteen months of Washington gridlock were bad, 2011 and 2012 will make them pale in comparison.

In his special comment Olbermann spent a great deal of time going after the right-wing of this country for demanding total compliance and “marching in lockstep” with one another.  Although an exaggeration, it is certainly true that that Democrats have a “bigger tent” than Republicans when it comes to the policies their politicians espouse, as has been made all too clear by how “Blue Dog” Democrats have frustrated this administration’s agenda nearly as much as Republicans have.  However, the Democrats’ proclamations of being “all-encompassing” ring hollow when so many in the Democratic Party, from Robert Gibbs to Rahm Emmanuel to the campaigns of Al Gore and John Kerry, belittle and demean those of us who cannot bear to be under that “big tent” because we cannot tolerate the constant pull of the party to the right, how it has done just as much to quash real American liberalism over the past eighteen years as the Republican party has.

Say what you will about the Tea Party, but if nothing else they have shown that the Republican Party is at least capable of recognizing when there is a considerable movement on the edge of the party base, and harnessing that energy and power to fuel their own growth.  Much has been made of Sharron Angle and Rand Paul, and how their extreme candidacies may well stop Republicans from gaining Senate seats they shouldn’t even have to fight for in this political climate, but there are plenty of other Tea Party candidates running as Republicans in elections this November who will win their elections and come to Washington.  When Republicans see activity and anger at their party’s edge, they at least listen to that anger and try to use it for their own benefit.  When the Democratic Party is confronted with anger on its left, all they do is scorn us and attack us, and continue their push further and further right.

For all that MSNBC is portrayed by some as being, if not a network of socialists, then at least a network of socialist sympathizers, it operates as a mouthpiece for the Democratic Party at least half as much as Fox News is the Republican Party’s bullhorn.  When was the last time Ralph Nader appeared on Countdown?  When was the last time Cynthia McKinney appeared on Hardball?  Yes, Bernie Sanders is a frequent guest on some MSNBC shows, but always in his context as an independent senator who caucuses with Democrats and, like Olbermann, acknowledges the problems that keep so many liberals from being part of the Democratic Party, but only in a hushed, almost apologetic tone.  Keep in mind that Chris Matthews interviewed that neanderthal who started the nauseating trend of Tea Party members to carry firearms to protests of the president’s appearances.  If that man can be granted interview time on MSNBC, why not a Nader, or a McKinney, or a Matt Gonzales, or even an Anita Rios?

In the past, Olbermann has often likened himself, and the special comments that catapulted him to the forefront of the American political news scene, to Peter Finch’s character in the movie Network and his legendary proclamation of “I’m as mad as hell, and I’m not going to take this anymore!”  We on the American left did not stop being mad after George W. Bush left office, and if anything this new administration has only made us more angry by compromising itself into ineffectualness, more furious by repeatedly failing to live up to the “hope” it tried to cultivate in us in 2008, more madby turning around and shouting back at us for daring to say that they aren’t the greatest administration since FDR’s.  By sitting on his heels, by not raising his voice at this time when it is so urgently needed, Olbermann, and all the other “left-wing” hosts of MSNBC and elsewhere, are doing the Democrats’ work in making people think that there is no alternative to Republican misanthropy than the Democratic party and whatever positions it takes in its primary mission, not to make this country a better place, but to get more Democrats elected.

Olbermann has a choice to make.  He can continue to ignore and belittle the American left — I’ll even write a joke he can use on Countdown tonight to shoo away this issue with his trademark snarkiness: “The Green Party held its national convention today in a phone booth outside of Newark” — or he can realize that he has become one of the very forces that made Peter Finch’s character “mad as hell,” and he can decide that he’s not going to take it any more.  I hope, if not for his sake then the sake of this country, he chooses the latter.  He needs to start treating Republicans and Democrats the same way he treated Alexi Lalas’ guitar.

Be the Change You Seek

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Gibbs clashes with the “political left” over criticism of Obama (Yahoo! News)

Robert Gibbs was perhaps the first harbringer of the realization so many on the left feel now.  With Barack Obama freshly installed as President, Gibbs delivered his first press conference from the White House Press, and after all the rhetoric of change in Washington, of hope that things would get better, Gibbs deflected question after question, giving half-answers if he bothered to answer at all.  It was the exact same behaviour we had come to expect from Ari Fliescher and Scott McClellan and Dana Pirino.  If the press secretary was couching everything so reflexively, before the ink had even dried on the first bills the new President had signed, could we really have expected the new President himself to have been that much different?

Now Gibbs has joined the sad and sorry lot of Democrats who are all too willing to sit down and compromise in the face of Republican and conservative criticism, but when faced with criticism to their left immediately arch their backs, bare their fangs, and lunge forward with all their claws out.  It is a favourite sport of the Clinton and post-Clinton Democratic party, and it is yet another example of how Obama’s rhetoric of change has proved to be little more than rhetoric, based on an incorrect and insidious assumption that if you, or I, or anyone else identifies to the left of the Republican party — no matter how much further to the right they go — that the Democratic party is absolutely entitled to your vote, that if you don’t vote Democrats into office, regardless of what positions they take, you are at best helping Republicans, and at worst destroying the very fabric of America.

We saw it in 2000 when the Democrats put forth Al Gore — the pre-election, stick-up-his-butt Gore, not the post-election, passionate Gore — and Joe Liebermanup for the top ticket, and wondered why so many of us on the left flocked to Ralph Nader.  When Gore lost, instead of taking the blame for putting forward flawed candidates, or pulling out of Ohio way too early, or not fighting the Florida recount as strongly as they should, every blue finger in the country pointed to Nader.  He “spoiled” the election.  Democrats can do no wrong; it was all Nader’s fault.  No matter how much work has been done to disprove this assumption, the chant of “Nader spoiled” has not only irreparably and unfairly damaged the reputation of one of the greatest Americans of our time, but it has scared too many liberals into thinking that they can never vote for a non-Democratic candidate ever again.

We saw it again in 2004 when Howard Dean, a balanced budget hawk who had a lifetime “A” rating from the National Rifle Association, had the gall to claim he was in the Paul Wellstone “Democratic wing of the Democratic party,” and few challenged him.  Even Dean wasn’t “safe” enough for Democrats, so they put up a ticket of John Kerry and John Edwards.  Liberals were aching for someone to put an end to neo-conservative warmongering, and in the first sentence of his acceptance speech at the Democratic National Convention, Kerry saluted and said he was “reporting for duty.”  Democrats spent almost as much time and energy campaigning to keep Nader out of the election as they did fighting Bush, going so far here in Ohio to launch legal challenges to make sure that not only did Nader not appear on the official ballot, but that his write-in votes weren’t even counted.  Given the slim margin of Bush’s victory here, I think it safe to say that if Democrats had spent their anti-Nader energy in Ohio combating the Republicans instead, Ohio may very well have swung Kerry’s way.  If Kerry had won Ohio, Bush would have started his retirement four years earlier than he did.

Two years ago there wasn’t much anti-Nader talk, in part because the Democrats’ previous anti-Nader campaigns had worked so well, in part because it ultimately wasn’t necessary because the bad economy and an off-base McCain campaign pretty much handed the election to Obama.  Still, President Obama has been such a far cry from Candidate Obama that it’s hard to believe they’re the same person.  Time after time Obama and congressional Democrats have deferred and kowtowed to a Republican minority smaller than any Democratic minority George W. Bush ever had to deal with.  It is a great irony that for the perception that we liberals are most identified with hippie beliefs, the whole “be the change you want to see” thing, when in actuality it is Republicans who, when they take power, pass nearly every piece of legislation they wish to pass, no matter how small their majority, no matter how the opposition argues and protests, no matter how they have to twist, turn, or even break the rules.

It’s gotten to the point where, borrowing an idea from the Nostalgia Critic, I think we should start calling President Obama “President Whitmore,” the president from 1996′s Independence Day.  Like the television pundit says of Whitmore before the alien ships are sighted, “[We] elected a warrior and [we] got a wimp.”  Unlike Independence Day, I highly doubt an alien invasion will arrive at just the right time to render Obama’s plunging poll numbers irrelevant, and say what you will about Bush, at least he knew how to fly a plane.  If the aliens start charging up their death rays now, the most we can count on our current President to do is try to negotiate for a slightly less deadly death ray.

It would be bad enough if President Whitmore had merely lost all these skirmishes on issues like cap-and-trade and Wall Street reform, signing watered-down bills if any bills actually got to his desk, but sometimes he surrendered the battle before the first shot was fired.  Candidate Obama proudly declared on several occasions that he was for universal health care, but when President Whitmore assembled people to work out the specifics of health care reform, he wouldn’t even invite anyone who believed in universal health care to the table.  He invited people who thought we should privatize the whole system, get rid of what little government legislation there was that made sure health insurance companies couldn’t completely screw us over, but not the people who believed in what he believed in.  For those of us who identify as actual liberals, whether we belong to the Green Party or the Socialist Party or are independent of any political party, it was a message and a feeling we were all too familiar with; in the eyes of the Democratic establishment, we simply don’t matter, unless they need a scapegoat for their own political failings.

Perhaps Gibbs’ most juicy observation was that those of us on the “Professional Left” — whatever that means — “wouldn’t be satisfied if Dennis Kucinich were president.”  Yes, Mr. Gibbs, you’re right.  If Kucinich had taken the oath of office a year ago last January, and he had failed to deliver on his campaign promises as President Whitmore has, if he had watered down every major piece of legislation that crossed his desk in a futile attempt to please a Republican minority that didn’t even cast one single vote for the legislation in the end, if he had wimped out like our current president has, we would be screaming bloody murder at Kucinich.

This is not about who is president.

This is about a Democratic philosophy embarked upon when I was still too young to vote, this idea that Ronald Reagan had taken one of John Wayne’s old shotguns and shot American liberalism dead once and for all, and the only way for the Democratic party to continue to be relevant in America, let alone win elections, was to govern from the “safe” middle, that no matter how neo-conservatives or the religious right or any other group pulled the right-wing of this country to further and further lunacy, dragging the definition of what was the “centre” along with it, the Democrats had to ride that centre for all it was worth, and that those who still identified as liberals deserved little more than a little lip service before elections, and after elections their votes and their voices didn’t mean squat.

For too long we liberals have been dismissed, ignored, and in cases like Mr. Gibbs’ comments, openly scorned.  Rarely, if ever, are we even given the opportunity to speak on the same platform as everyone else, let alone be heard.  Regardless of whether it’s the anti-Nader pablum of elections past or the brazen contempt of Mr. Gibbs’ remarks, the message is the same: We Democrats are the only ones entitled to your vote if you’re not a Republican, regardless of what policies we espouse or what legislation we enact, and if you say otherwise then you’re a fool and you should just shut up.  We will not stay silent, Mr. Gibbs, and if anything your comments will only make us shout that much louder.  If this is the one battle this administration wants to fight with all its power and force, then so be it.  Just be warned that we liberals will not go down easily or quietly.

Equality Will Not Be Denied

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Judge overturns Calif. gay marriage ban (AP via Yahoo! News)

It is one of the most (in)famous videos of its era.  Freshly installed as the governor of Alabama, George Wallace stands before a cheering crowd during his inaugural address to the state and declares, in a booming voice, that in Alabama there will be “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”  It’s hard to call it the most galling video of the time, in the face of white police officers turning fire hoses on young African-Americans, terrifying them with police dogs, and, most horrifying of all, white mobs lynching African-Americans.  For as evil as segregation was, it is easy to understand how African-Americans in the south might not have worried so much about it when they were living in daily fear of being strung up by their necks.

However, Wallace’s declaration continues to stand out, nearly fifty years later, in large part because unlike the videos of police brutality or lynchings, George Wallace was an elected official, someone chosen by the voters of Alabama to represent all their interests.  Public office is a sacred institution, and although it’s easy to forget in an era where corporate cash and slick public relations firms cast two heavy clouds over the American electoral process, when one is elected to public office, one is elected to serve and protect the interests and rights of the entire electorate, not just those who voted for you, not just those who can donate lots of money to your reelection campaigns, and not just those who are popular with the electorate.

It is precisely this trust that George Wallace abnegated when he so virulently opposed the desegregation of this state.  No matter how much the voters of Alabama may have wanted to keep segregation intact, no matter how hot or how loud their hatred of non-Caucasians was, Wallace had a duty to protect the rights of everyone in Alabama, no matter their race, no matter the colour of their skin.  Wallace’s stubbornness in perpetuating the horrid institution of segregation — an institution the American south developed after it could no longer enslave African-Americans — has earned him one of the most ignominious spots in American history.

Fifty years before Wallace’s speech, the nation was torn by the matter of women’s suffrage.  It’s hard to believe that fewer than a hundred years ago, American women did not have a constitutionally-protected right to vote.  Had video camera technology been more advanced and widespread then, it is doubtless that there would be equally repugnant videos to play of suffrage opponents explaining in the most tortured and repulsive ways that women are too mercurial, or too uneducated, or just too stupid to vote.  Fair-minded Americans would react to such videos the same way they react to Wallace’s “segregation forever” pledge today, with a sad shake of their heads and a nagging disbelief that, so relatively recently in American history, there could be such widespread idiocy in this country.

The march of history towards equality for all people is clear and it is unstoppable.  There have been obstacles on the path and setbacks, but as each new generation sees America through fresh eyes, they come to realize more and more that our commonalities are far more important than our differences, that differences in skin tone, or ethnicity, or gender, or gender identity, or sexuality, are no justification for the undertow of hate that has sadly continued to wash away some of the progress this country has made towards that most American promise of all, the promise that in this country, no matter how different you are, and no matter what other citizens may think of you, you will be recognized as equal to every other person under the law.  Even George Wallace himself renounced segregation late in his life.

Today, with the striking down of California’s discriminatory Proposition 8, another obstacle in the path of freedom has been removed.  Supporters of the proposition can talk all they want about how the decision of Judge Vaughn Walker overturned the narrow decision of California voters to ban same-sex marriage in their state, but granting equal rights to all Americans is something that should never be a matter for public vote.  Just as most of the country saw slavery as a justified institution two hundred years ago, just as a hundred years ago the country was gripped by anti-immigrant sentiments and a strong tide of anti-Semitism, just as fifty years ago the American south fought to maintain legalized segregation, just as twenty-five years ago the religious right demonized non-heterosexuals, today you can turn on any news broadcast and see evidence of the new anti-immigrant sentiment sweeping the nation, the continued demonization of Arabs and Muslims by some in the wake of the 09.11 attacks, the moral panic the right wing bellows through all its media channels at this very moment about how the ability of same-sex couples to legally wed somehow constitutes a threat to heterosexual marriages, to public health, to morality, to what they claim are “American values.”

Worse yet is the discrimination and demonization we don’t see, that we aren’t aware of, even though we may be committing it ourselves.  Although the gay, lesbian, and bisexual communities have made great progress towards equality in the past twenty years, the transgender community has not enjoyed nearly as much success, in large part because other members of the “queer community” didn’t push for transgender recognition with the same ferocity since they didn’t think transgender people were “marketable” enough, that they couldn’t overcome the stereotype that transgender women were all “really” gay men who wanted to “trick” straight men into having sex with them, so why bother trying?  The plights of intersex, gender-fluid, and gender-queer people continues to register too low on the queer community’s radar, if it even registers at all.

Sometimes it takes the form of an angry speech delivered by some smug, self-righteous politician on his or her bully pulpit.  Sometimes it takes the form of a hate-filled blog post passed around to millions of other hate-filled people by the Internet.  Sometimes it takes the form of a joke on a “comedic” television show that invites its audience to make fun of people who are different from them.  It can be as brazen as a white supremacist rally, or as couched as the disconnected rhetoric of Rand Paul.  It can be delivered with the angry indignation of a Rush Limbaugh, or the brackish belligerence of a Sean Hannity, or the belittling snarkiness of a Sarah Palin.  It can be an open call to arms, to defend against the menace no matter what form it takes, or it can be buffeted with an insincere call to still respect, in some insignificant way, the other who is being so slandered.  Even George Wallace ended his inaugural address with a call to bless all the people of Alabama, “both white and black.”

No matter what form it takes, it all boils down to the same thing: A call to pay close attention to the otherness of those who aren’t like you in some way, and an argument that this otherness is a cause for revulsion, a reason for you, and that person, and everyone else “like you” to come together and reject this otherness.  For George Wallace and much of the American south of the era, this meant keeping African-Americans as far away from white people as possible, under the laughable notion of “separate but equal” facilities.  For the supporters of Proposition 8 and other measures designed to prevent same-sex couples from enjoying the same privileges and benefits opposite-sex couples enjoy, it means pursuing legal measures to legitimize and codify discrimination against gay men, lesbian women, and bisexuals.  For others it has been a call to arms, whether the lynchings of one or two or more people, or genocide.  This is not to say that legal discrimination is as bad as violence against a minority group, but it is to say that both come from the same underlying assumption, the same sick emotion called hatred.

In 1857, before this country descended into Civil War, our Supreme Court decided in the Dred Scott decision that Americans of African descent could never be considered United States citizens.  Court decisions prevented the enactment of women’s suffrage and race-based civil rights before these measures of equality were finally achieved.  Should the Proposition 8 case go to the Supreme Court, given the court’s current composition, it seems likely that Judge Walker’s decision will be overturned, and marriage discrimination will once again be the law of the land in California, if not the whole nation.  If past is prologue, though, there will come a time, likely sooner than later, that people of power will make the decision, no matter how unpopular, no matter how expedient, that same-sex couples deserve all the rights of opposite-sex couples, and marriage equality will be finally and permanently codified for all of America.

For those who continue to preach doctrines of hate, for those who continue to argue that non-heterosexuals should be legally treated like second-class citizens, it would be instructive to look at the video of George Wallace’s 1963 inaugural address, or to read the transcript.  Sometime in the future — maybe it will take fifty years, maybe thirty, maybe ten — the people of America will look at the videos being produced today of people like you arguing for maintaining legal discrimination against non-heterosexuals with the same disbelief, the same contempt for such brazen displays of hatred and intolerance, as people feel today when they hear or read of George Wallace promising “segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.”

Many of us already do.

Think of the Children

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The Case Against Summer Vacation (time.com)

Last month when I wrote my “Open Letter to Retail Stores” about stores putting up back-to-school displays waytoo early in the summer and depressing children, one of my friends in NorthCarolina wrote back to tell me that many schools there are operating on a year-round basis, staggering student terms so that some students were starting school in July.  I talked with another North Carolinean about this, and although the economic advantage of keeping classrooms operating the whole year is readily apparent, I know from my own childhood that if I were told I had to go back to school in July, I would have thrown a temper-tantrum large enough to be seen on satellite images.  Keep in mind, I’ve always loved learning, but there is a huge difference between loving learning and loving school, a difference that is obvious to me but doesn’t seem to be so apparent to others.

I think one of my greatest strengths as a teacher is that I remember what it was like to be a student, and I always try to be conscientious of that in my own teaching work.  I never assign extra books for my classes because students need to save as much money as they can, I don’t assign “busy work” or exercises that I’m not absolutely sure provide an immediate and tangible benefit to the students, and I put every effort forward to relate course material to my students’ lives and make it relevant to them.  Too often I’ve met teachers who have no concern for their students or, in some cases, deliberately put their students through exercises that they experienced and hated themselves when they were students, for no other reason than unadulterated sadism.  If I had any say in it, any teacher who did anything like that would be fired immediately and never allowed to teach anywhere ever again.  Even though I’ve taken and taught summer classes, I can tell you that most students need those precious summer months off.

The argument that we need to extend the American school year because children in countries where the school year is longer perform better academically is specious at best, because it assumes that more time spent in classrooms means smarter students, and this is, if not the only way to improve education, then at least the primary method.  This completely fails to take into account the fact that our educational system is in a shambles right now.  If you want a real picture of why young people aren’t getting smarter than the previous generation, and why they hate school and don’t think it helps them in any appreciable way, just watch an episode of Are You Smarter than a 5th Grader?  Yes, some of the questions are about basic math and spelling that everyone should know, but many of them are about things so insignificant to most of our everyday lives that it’s no wonder that children are becoming jaded about school at younger and younger ages.  If you want underprivileged children to appreciate the value of education more, teach them about the forces that led to their families being so poor; don’t make them memorize the names of generals and battles in a war fought hundreds of years ago.

Worse yet, the very people responsible for corrupting our educational system have co-opted the language of “relevant education” for their own purposes to turn schools into factories churning out young people trained to be workers and consumers, but not citizens and people.  These days it seems like it’s more common to see a fast food restaurant in a school than a full arts programme, with students getting “valuable life experience” flipping burgers and frying tortilla chips.  The closest thing these students get to understanding the issues around them is being made to memorize the steps by which a bill becomes a law, thanks to insidious programmes like No Child Left Behind whose standardized testing force students to become memorizing machines instead of thinkers, and then they hear a news story explaining how some bill is or isn’t getting passed because of some obscure parliamentary procedure, and then some people wonder why these students feel like their education has been a waste.  In large part their education is a waste, but in typical American fashion, the response isn’t to fix the problems that exist, but to just make things longer and bigger.

It’s been clear for far too long that we need to get education out of the hands of politicians and corporations who subsume it to their own needs, and back into the hands of the people who actually deal with the students and who have studied how the human mind learns.  Even if this were to happen, though, and even if we were to hire the best teachers and make school an enjoyable experience for most students (you can’t please everyone all the time), students would still need that break.  If we want to look at metrics of how the United States performs against other countries, why don’t we look at work productivity and how we under-perform countries where 30- and 35-hour work weeks, and six weeks vacation per year, are the norm.  Even when you love your job, you still need a break from it to recharge your batteries and get some outside stimulation.  Children are no different, and if anything they need more time because they have all that excess energy to burn off from sitting still for hours on end at a time when their bodies are programmed to move around as much as possible.  You would think the empirical evidence of the past twenty years of unpaid overtime and downsizing not helping the productivity gap would convince people that a different path would need to be taken, but now not only are we expecting our adults to work themselves to the bone and then keep working, but it sounds like now we’re expecting it of our children as well.

It’s easy to say that kids aren’t going to school enough when you’re not a kid yourself, or you’ve forgotten what your own childhood and education were like.  Maybe I am romanticizing summer vacation, but to me, that time between the 10th of June and the 25th of August (roughly) is sacred.  That is the time for children to wake up whenever they want, go outside and play with their friends, and enjoy not having to sit in classrooms for hours on end.  For those kids who want to learn more, there should be opportunities for them, regardless of their financial situation, to participate in learning activities throughout the summer, and that’s one area where we need more government funding to close the gap between the privileged and the underprivileged.  Shortening the summer vacations of young children not only won’t fix the educational problems its advocates claim it will, but it will likely exacerbate them because the true underlying problems of our educational system aren’t being addressed.

More importantly than that, though, it’s just cruel to children, and cruelty to children is one of those things I refuse to abide with.  No children should have to be that first group of kids who gets told that they’re going to lose their summer vacation.